KR进度报告132：波兰

Progress Report 132: Poland

KR进度报告132：波兰

Progress Report

Hello, I'm Matoro, KR's Eastern Europe dev. I'm hAPPy to announce that the reworked Poland will be part of the next release, and here we'll be taking a look into how the country will work. The PR doesn't contain all of the new content, such as a number of late-game scenarios and other things that are meant to be left as easter eggs. Once Poland is ready, there's only Ukraine left of legacy Eastern Europe, and if things go well, it should be ready way quicker than Poland. Reason why we haven't released much PR's lately is that after some miscalculations we decided to only release them when the content shown is actually close to release. I will hand you over to another one of the team members, Klyntar King, who wrote this PR's lore section. The gameplay section was written by katie.

大师好啊，我是Matoro，KR的东欧开辟者。我很兴奋为大师带来波兰重制，这将是下个版本的内容之一，我将为大师先容这个国家的运作。开辟报告并未包括一切新内容，很多在游戏前期的能够情况以及其他内容将是我们为大师埋下的彩蛋。波兰做好后，东欧的旧内容国家就只剩下乌克兰，而乌克兰应当比波兰更快做完。我们近期没有公布太多日志，是由于一些误判，致使我们决议在内容很快可以更新时才会展现它们。接下来交给另一位团队成员，Klyntar King，他负责日志的布景，而游戏内容部分由katie撰写。

History
Early during the Great War there was much excitement in Poland about cooperating with the Central Powers, most prominently in Piłsudski's Polish Legions. These hopes were eventually crushed - first, Germany made sure to outmanoeuvre any Austrian attempts to establish an independent, united Polish state, and then in the Oath Crisis the Legions were disbanded and most of their leadership imprisoned. When the Central Powers signed the Brotfrieden with Ukraine in 1918, they were met with anger from the Polish population, and the occupiers were hard-pressed to act on their promises of returning Chelm. The Regency Council would create the Council of State as a provisional representative body with 110 seats, and two blocs formed: The National Electoral Committee, formed by the “Activists”; politicians willing to cooperate with the Central Powers, and the Interpartisan Political Circle (MKP) made up of “Passivists”, with largely pro-Entente sympathies. After an election in April, a majority of the elected seats were won by the MKP.

在大战之初，波兰对于与同友邦合作一事布满热情，毕苏斯基的波兰军团尤其热情。这些希望完全被辜负了——首先，奥天时任何试图建立自力、同一的波兰国家的诡计被德国所挫败，在誓词危机中军团被闭幕，大部分带领人被软禁。当同友邦在1918年与乌克兰签订“面包战争”公约后，他们便要面临波兰人的怒火，占据者没法兑现返还海乌姆的许诺。摄政议会接下来建立了一个总计110席位的国务委员会作为姑且代议机构，内有两个团体：由“行动派”建立的全国选举委员会；与同友邦合作的政客和很洪流平上亲近协约国的“跨党政治团体”（MKP）结合组成的“缓和派”。在四月的一场选举后，跨党政治团体（MKP）赢得了大都席位。

While the situation was relatively calm, the Regency Council spent most of its efforts asserting its authority and independence as much as possible, without attracting the ire of the occupiers. By November, as the Germans focused on their preparations for their Spring Offensive and István Burián returned as Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, the Council found themselves in a good position, and made headway into finally solving the Polish Question; the Germans wanted to limit potential distractions in the East, while Burián reneged on an Austro-Polish Solution, largely conceding to German demands. However, when the Regency announced the formation of a Constituent Sejm to decide on a constitution, it was met with sharp criticism. The left, especially the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), had been largely left out in the process and launched a general strike, to the result that several concessions would be extracted before the situation calmed down.

虽然大势尚显安静，摄政委员会还是在挖空心机地保护其威望和自力性并避免占据者的怒火。到了十一月，德国人将首要精神放在预备他们的春季攻势上，伊斯特凡·布里安作为奥匈交际大臣回到谈判桌上，委员会发现自己处在有益职位，并在波兰题目标终极处理上迈出了停顿；德国人要求制约东方的潜伏纷扰，而布里安背弃了奥天时-波兰计划，很洪流平上服从了德国的要求。但是当摄政委员会公布了建立制宪议会以决议宪法时，它遭到了尖锐的批评。右翼，特别是波兰社会党（PPS），在制宪进程中被解除在外继而策动了总罢工，为使场面冷却下来他们获得了些许妥协。

On January 9th 1919, the final agreement on Poland's borders, the election of the King, and the gradual transfer of authority to the Polish state, was signed at Spa. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Poland would be adopted on February 20 and was largely based on Germany's, being a mix of progressive democratic and reactionary monarchist ideals: It would have a bicameral legislature, with the Council of State becoming known as the Senate, and the Sejm elected by universal suffrage forming the lower house, while the future King was granted significant powers from the appointment of the Prime Minister to veto powers over legislation.

1919年1月9日，关于波兰鸿沟、国王选举和波兰国家主权的移交协议在斯帕签订。波兰王国宪法在2月20日经过，很洪流平是以德国宪法为根本的同时还混杂了进步主义的民主体制和反动的君主主义理念：它设立了两院制的立法机构，国务委员会将被称为参议院，基于普选的瑟姆将成为下议院，而未来的国王将掌管大权，既能录用辅弼，又能否决立法。

The initial news of the new constitution and final agreement with Poland's occupiers was largely poorly received, however the Central Powers’ victories in the Great War kept the situation under control, as it became clear that the current government was now Poland's best hope, and that working with them would ensure the Central Powers would remain faithful to their promises.

新宪法和波兰占据军的终极协议可没遭到什么好评，但同友邦在天下大战的成功停止了大势进一步成长。出于不言而喻的缘由，现政府是波兰唯一的希望，与其合作能保证同友邦信守许诺。

By October, local authority was returned to the Poles, and the Regency Council made their decision on Poland's new king. The Austro-Hungarians gave in to German pressure, as the latter made thinly-veiled threats as to the consequences of the Regency choosing to elect the Austro-Hungarian Emperor, with him forming a personal union between Austria-Hungary and Poland. Archduke Karl Stephan, another Habsburg candidate, was also unwilling to lead a German puppet state, and forbidden by the Emperor to accept any offer of the crown. Therefore, the Regency settled on the choice that would invoke the most goodwill from Berlin: Kaiser Wilhelm's fourth and youngest son August Wilhelm, or Auwi. It was announced to indifferent crowds that Poland would henceforth be "An Independent, Sovereign Nation ruled by King August IV". In return, the Germans retroceded the vaguely-defined border strip and the Chelm province, something they had promised to do essentially as a bribe if the Regency Council would elect the otherwise unpopular August Wilhelm. Soon after, command of the Polish Royal Army was transferred to the King, and the Generalgouvernements of Warsaw and Lublin were disbanded. German influence remained with the King's Privy Council, his Senate appointments, and the remaining German military mission. Austrian influence, while reduced, remained through the League of Polish Statehood, its EMBAssy in Warsaw, and consulate in Lublin. Peace and law returned to Poland through the disarmament and crushing of Polish rebels who refused to hand over their arms, and the pardoning of those who took up positions in the new Royal Army.

到了十月，地方权利被归还给波兰人，摄政委员会也决议了波兰新王。奥匈屈就于德国施压，德国绝不粉饰地威胁，如果摄政委员会选举了奥匈天子、在波兰和奥匈之间建立基于小我的共主联邦，结果将不胜设想。另一位哈布斯堡王朝的候选者卡尔·斯蒂芬至公也不愿意带领一个德国的傀儡，奥匈天子也制止他接管任何王位的约请。是以，摄政委员会决议挑选了最能唤起柏林好心的人选：威廉天子的第四个也是最小的儿子，奥古斯特·威廉，或称“奥威”。在冷酷的人群前，摄政委员会公布波兰今后成为“奥古斯特四世国王统治的享有自力主权的国家”。作为回报，德国人从鸿沟的模糊地带撤军，德国人所许诺的海乌姆也获得归还，这即是他们令摄政委员会选举不受接待的奥古斯特·威廉所支出的价格，根基上可以说是行贿。未几后波兰皇家军队的批示权被移交给国王，华沙和卢布林的大总督区被闭幕。德国的影响力还是存在于国王的枢密院、他的参议员提名以及尚存的德国军事代表团中。奥天时的影响力虽然削弱了，但也还存在于波兰国家同盟、奥天时驻华沙大使以及卢布林的领事馆中。经过消除叛军武装甚至于弹压他们，并赦宥那些来到新皇家军队中退役的人，战争与法治重回波兰。

Thus in 1920 the reign of August IV began.

如此，奥古斯特四世的统治在1920年起头了。

The first Sejm election in 1920 reflected the new status quo. While the PPS boycotted them as a sham, the Sejm's composition was largely progressive despite a pro-government conservative plurality. As the "Activist" and "Passivist" distinction became increasingly irrelevant after 1918, the two original factions of the Regency had folded into the Interpartisan Political Circle as a pro-government, Szlachta (or nobility) -dominated conservative bloc against an unofficial reformist bloc in the Sejm. However, the Christian-Democratic Party, "Chadecja", broke off from the circle in response. Nevertheless, their opposition in the Sejm proved mild, and they were willing to work with their former bloc, as long as the King showed willingness to work with democratic institutions, while a coalition between Chadecja and the People's Party (PSL) failed to materialise.

1920年的第一次瑟姆选举反应了新现状。虽然波兰社会党抵抗瑟姆，将其称之为圈套，瑟姆的组成在很洪流平上还是进步的，哪怕亲政府的守旧派占据大都。随着“行动派”和“缓和派”在1918年后区分愈发模糊，摄政委员会的两个最初派系作为亲政府、施拉赫塔（或称贵族）主导的守旧派并入了跨党政治团体，否决瑟姆中非官方的革新团体。但是，基督教民主党（Chadecja，以下简称为基民党）的回应是离开了团体。虽然如此，跨党政治团体在瑟姆的否决者基民党还是被证实为温顺派，他们愿意与前团体合作，只要国王表示出与民主体制合作的偏向，而基民党与群众党（PSL）的同盟并未实现。

The economy also benefited from German investment in new railroad building projects, with the construction boom benefitting Poland immensely due to its position as the transport hub of the Oststaaten, and light industry began to tick up in the big cities. Economic ties with Polish communities in Galicia also deepened, despite the crownlands continuance in harbouring Austrophile Poles who were radically opposed to the monarchy. After their absence from the first mandate of the Sejm, the PPS abandoned their boycott and announced they would participate in the next election, realising the Kingdom would not collapse as anticipated, and that they would be needed in the Sejm to represent the working class and to push for further reforms. The result was an even more divided parliament. At the same time, the centre-right further asserted itself by forming the Christian Union of National Unity, "Chjena", which included Chadecja and more reform-minded breakaways of the Circle. As a result, Jan Kucharzewski, a former National Democrat in the Circle, returned to form a new government with a wide coalition of conservative, christian-democrat and peasant delegates. The peace and growth returning to Poland meant that land reform was attempted, however the need to keep the support of the Szlachta in parliament stifled this initiative, and the pace of reform could not keep up with the growing population. In 1925, after significant pressure from the Sejm, Pilsudski was released and moved to house arrest in Warsaw, where he was carefully watched for signs of contact with republicans.

德国的新铁路项目也让波兰经济获益，由于身为东方邦的交通关键，这轮扶植潮让波兰受益匪浅，轻产业也起头在大城市中突起。同时波兰社区与加利西亚的经济纽带也愈发慎密，哪怕王冠领照旧在庇护那些激进否决君主制的亲奥派波兰人。缺席第一任瑟姆后，社会党意想到王国并没有如预感般解体，便放弃自己的抵抗态度并公布加入下任大选，他们需要在瑟姆内代表工人阶级并鞭策进一步鼎新，成果就是议会加倍割裂。与此同时，中右翼经过组建全国同一基督教同盟（也称Chjena，波兰语“基督教”的描述词），进一步稳固本身威望，同盟成员涵盖基民党和那些从团体平分手，更开通的鼎新派。是以，团体内的前国家民主活动成员扬·库察尔泽夫斯基回到波兰，与守旧派、基督教民主派和农民代表结成大同盟，组建新一任政府。战争与成长重回波兰意味着地盘鼎新事件被提上议程，但是为了保持施拉赫塔在议会中的支持，这项动议被压制，而鼎新步伐也没法跟上生齿增加的速度。1925年，迫于瑟姆的庞大压力，毕苏斯基被开释并转移至华沙软禁，他在华沙被周密观察能否有和共和派打仗的迹象。

Inflation also became an issue, as the state had printed significant amounts of money to fund the suppression of the rebels in the early days of the kingdom, and now had resorted to printing more Polish Marka in order to fund reconstruction and agricultural reform. With the currency spiralling out of control, August IV dismissed Kucharzewski and appointed another National Democracy defector, Feliks Młynarski, as Prime Minister.

通货收缩一样是个题目，国家在王国早期印刷了大量纸币以帮助弹压叛乱，现在为了帮助重建与农业鼎新，不能不印刷更多波兰马克。货币失控后，奥古斯特四世消除了库察尔泽夫斯基的职务，又录用另一位国家民主活动的哗变者，菲利克斯·姆拉尔斯基担任辅弼。

Młynarski embarked on an ambitious programme of currency reform, founding the Bank of Poland and replacing the Marka with the newly revived Zloty. The new currency was well-received within Poland and abroad, with Germany content to allow the degree of economic independence Austria desired of Poland in order to avoid economic troubles harming their eastern investments. During this time as well, General von Beseler, ever a controversial figure within Poland, agreed with August IV to retire and give up his position at the head of the German military mission to Wolfgang von Kries. As the marriage between the monarchy and the Polish right deepened, the Młynarski government revived the National Democracy project of Polonisation, mainly aimed at Jews and in the areas with a Ukrainian minority around Chelm. While Germans were largely exempted from the anti-minority policies of the Polish government, to avoid drawing the ire of Berlin, the policy would see the use of Yiddish clamped down upon in cities and schools, even in synagogues in some areas. While this gained the approval of Polish nationalists, especially from the remaining National Democrats, it also gained the ire of many progressives and leftists, who began to cooperate more closely in the Sejm against the growing influence of Endecja in the government.

姆拉尔斯基倡议了一项大志勃勃的货币鼎新计划，建立波兰银行，然后用重新启用的兹罗提取代马克。新货币在波兰国内外都广受接待，德国不介意奥天时希望波兰经济自力，避免冒出更多经济题目侵害其在东方的投资。与此同时，在波兰国内一向有争议的冯·贝瑟勒将军和奥古斯特四世告竣分歧赞成退休，并将他德国军事代表团领袖的位置让给沃尔夫冈·冯·克里格斯。随着君主制与波兰右翼的关系愈发慎密，姆拉尔斯基政府重启了国家民主活动的波兰化项目，首要针对境内的犹太人以及海尔姆四周的乌克兰少数民族。虽说德意志人很洪流平上被剔除出波兰政府的反少数民族政策工具，免得惹恼柏林方面，但该政策照旧制止各大城市、黉舍甚至部分地域的犹太教堂利意图第绪语。虽然此举赢得了波兰民族主义者，特别是残余的国家民主活动成员的认可，却激起了很多进步派和右派的愤慨，促使他们在瑟姆中合作加倍亲近，以匹敌国家民主活动在政府内日益增加的影响力。

In 1931, the near decade of peace would be rocked by the Creditanstalt Crisis in Austria, which sent shockwaves through the whole Austrian Empire and into Poland, where a decline in new railroad contracts and a bank failure meant a brief recession. Fresh elections were called, and the King’s ministers were compelled to accept a broad coalition consisting of ChZJN, the People’s Party, and social democratic moderates from the Polish Socialist Party, excluding the Interpartisan Political Circle for the first time. Tomasz Nocznicki, a leading PSL politician and participant in the old Council of State, became Prime Minister. While the nobility were alarmed, their influence over the Sejm had been steadily declining since the end of the Regency, and there were secret hopes among some Poles that the old party of the now-retired and officially apolitical Pilsudski would be able to bring about the abolition of the monarchy, or at least greater autonomy in foreign affairs. These hopes were dashed however, as the PPS’ ministers in the new government took the pragmatic course of collaborating with the king. Their leader, Norbert Barlicki, saw the German SPD and their support of the monarchy as a model for Poland.

1931年，长达十年的战争稳定被奥天时的信贷危机打破了，危机很快传遍了全部奥天时，而且影响到了波兰，带来了长久的衰落，随之而来的是铁路合约的削减和银行的破产。国家选举随之召开，新的政府建立，国王的大臣被迫接管由全国同一基督教同盟（ChZJN），群众党和波兰社会党的社会民主温顺派组成的普遍同盟，而且初次将跨党派政治圈解除在外。托马斯·诺茨尼基，作为基民党与群众党（PSL）的魁首政治家和旧国家议会的成员，成为了辅弼。虽然贵族们感应发急，但自摄政末期以来，他们对议会的影响力一向在稳步下降。是以一些波兰人私下里希望由现已退休的，不关心政治的毕苏斯基带领的旧党派人士可以拔除君主制，大概最少在交际事务上获得更大的自立权。但这一切希望都随着波兰社会党成员的行为而幻灭，他们与国王合作的现实主义政治线路。他们的代表魁首诺伯特•巴里基将德国社会民主党（SPD）及其对君主制的支持视为波兰政治的楷模、

The new coalition embarked upon an ambitious etatist project inspired by the economics of Michał Kalecki and Edward Lipiński, two of Poland’s most prominent economists. The new economy minister Władysław Kosieradzki, allied with his brother Paweł as Minister of Agriculture, initiated and gained royal assent for a massive industrial investment plan, to be funded by huge borrowing from both the Bank of Poland and from Germany. Approximately a billion Zloty were allocated to the Polish Industrial Plan, and were spent on developing heavy industry to supplement Poland’s light consumer goods industries. Areas of high unemployment received huge investment, new steel mills were constructed, an enormous automobile factory built in Lublin, roads and canals dug to improve transport, and new cities were founded almost overnight.

受两位波兰最精采的经济学家米夏沃维•卡莱茨基和爱德华•利皮耶夫斯基的经济学启发，经济大臣瓦迪斯瓦夫·科西拉茨基和他的兄弟大臣一路倡议了一项大范围产业投资计划，并成功获得了皇家核准，该计划的资金来自波兰银行和德国银行的巨额存款。大约有10亿兹罗提被分派给波兰产业计划，用于成长重产业，并作为波兰的轻消耗品产业的补充。失业率较高的地域则是投资的重点，接收到大量来自计划的资金，在卢布林，崭新的汽车工场眨眼间完工，新的根本门路和运河瞬息而成，新的城市如春笋般一夜间建成。

Socially, the coalition was no less ambitious, all the parties in the coalition agreed on the end of Polonisation, to the ire of the nobility and the far right. Unemployment insurance and child benefits were also introduced, to help ease issues caused by Poland’s population boom as Poles from the border regions immigrated to seek work in Poland proper during the four year plan. Censorship of the press was scaled back, and books and cinema that glorified Poland’s independent history grew more common and popular.

在社会上，同盟的大志一样不减，执政同盟内各党派都赞成停止波兰化，虽然这激愤了贵族和极右翼。在四年计划时代来自边境之外的波兰人移民到波兰当地来寻觅工作形成了生齿激增，失业保险和儿童福利也获得了引进以辅佐减缓前者酿成的题目。出书检查削减了，美化波兰自力历史的书籍和电影愈发风行。

In the end, Poland's Four Year Plan would see her economic woes recede and her Economic Miracle be hailed as a great success. Not popular, however, was the immense level of state debt, and in 1934 as the plan was coming to an end, the National Alliance began to fragment. As relations with the Commune of France worsened, distrust of leftist economists like Lipiński began to intensify, and another attempt at land reform would rouse the ire of the great magnates that still ruled the countryside. With the support of the Christian Democrats, the King dissolved the Sejm and called for fresh elections, declaring the coalition to have “served its purpose”.

终极，波兰的四年计划令其经济困窘不再，这一经济奇迹被誉为庞大的成功。但是，巨额国债可不是什么受人接待的工具，在1934年随着该计划行将竣事，国家同盟起头割裂。由于对法兰西公社的关系恶化，对利平斯基等右翼经济学家的不信赖也在加重，而另一场地盘鼎新的尝试将激愤统治着农村的巨头。在基督教民主党的支持下，国王闭幕了瑟姆，呼吁重新选举，公布同盟“已经告竣了其目标”。

The subsequent Sejm election later that year was marred with increased polarisation, followed by the return of the MKP into power. The King appointed Antoni Ponikowski, who formed another coalition government with Chjena. In response to their controversial ousting, the People’s Party and the Polish Socialist Party organised the Union for Defence of Law and Freedom of People, also known as “Centrolew”, as a political bloc to oppose the Circle’s contentious government. Nevertheless, Centrolew did not secure a majority in the Sejm, though their position threatened the stability of the government, if the Circle failed to maintain their alliance with the Christian-Democrats.

同一年晚些时辰的瑟姆议会选举遭到政治极化的影响，跨党政治团体（MKP）是以重新掌权。国王录用曾与全国基督教同一同盟结合执政的安东尼·波尼科夫斯基为辅弼。作为这场富有争议的免职的回应，群众党和波兰社会党构造了又称“Centrolew”的保卫法令和群众自在同盟作为一个否决执政圈子的政治团体。但是，虽然保卫法令和群众自在同盟在瑟姆并未获很大都席位，假如议会没能保持与基督教民主党的同盟，他们的职位也足以威胁政府的稳定。

As the political situation grew increasingly fragile, the next year saw the death of Józef Piłsudski. While long retired and officially apolitical, the death of the beloved leader of the Legions saw a public outpouring of sympathy, coupled with intensified criticism of the government and German influence in the country, which the King ultimately symbolised.

随着政治大势愈发懦弱，第二年，毕苏斯基的死激发了一系列政治影响。虽然他已经退休好久，阔别官方政治，这位备受群众关爱的军队魁首的归天在激发了公共的悼念的同时，也激发了对于政府和德国在波兰强大影响力的激烈抗议，而国王正是两者的代表。

This exposed a weakness that the royal government had known about for a while, but had been able to ignore as a result of economic prosperity and the threat of German invasion: the King, despite his best efforts, was not actually very popular at all. While accepted at first for his distance in political matters, he had lost considerable goodwill among his adoptive subjects after ousting Nocznicki’s cabinet.

这无疑表暴露王室政府此前便已得知的，但久长以来以来被经济繁华和德国入侵所袒护的一个弱点：国王，不管做出再多的尽力，也完全得不到公共的支持。虽然国王由于阔别政治事务而被公共长久接管，但在闭幕诺茨尼基的内阁以后，他无疑严重地落空了臣民对他的好感。

As 1936 dawns and Poland faces an uncertain future, there is a palpable sense of uncertainty in the air. The economy is stable, but the King has never felt more threatened than he had in the last two years. Piłsudski’s final gift to Poland was a reminder to the Germans: they were foreigners ruling over Poles, they might have their loyalty for now, but if the Empire were ever to show weakness, there would be hell to pay.

随着1936年的到来，波兰的未来也愈发显得动乱不定，全部国家被不肯定的空气覆盖着。虽然经济情况已经变得稳定，但国王却感应这两年来史无前例的不安。毕苏斯基留给波兰的最初礼物时辰提醒着德国人：他们不外是外来的统治者，现在也许他们屁股前面有虔诚的跟屁虫，但一旦帝国衰落，他们将会支出比下天堂还疾苦的价格。
Gameplay

Currently, Poland is in a strange spot in Kaiserreich. Strangely, despite being almost completely surrounded by the alliance, it does not start the game as a member of the Reichspakt, and is able to conveniently slip outside of Germany’s sphere of influence without too much trouble, or any say on Germany’s part. Furthermore, despite the country existing for almost 20 years since the end of the Weltkrieg, it for some reason had an ongoing regency, the outcome of which conveniently determined the player’s path. This rework attempts to create a more plausible starting situation, as given in the lore above, while also making Poland’s gameplay more unique and up to the standards of its more recently reworked neighbours and allies, White Ruthenia and the Kingdom of Lithuania. Without further ado, let’s get onto it!

波兰在KR中处于希奇的职位：残局被帝国公约包围，却并非德皇盟友，无需多费心力，就能润出德国的势力范围，德国对此也没有多大反应。这个国家自天下大战事后，存在了近二十年，却由于某种缘由，仍处于摄政状态，这是为了方便玩家线路挑选而作出的妥协。本次重制，正如前文的布景剧情所述，意图缔造一个更加公道的残局，且为波兰带来更加怪异的游戏体验，到达近期重制的邻国与友邦，白鲁塞尼亚与立陶宛王国的标准。话不多说，让我们起头吧！

Starting Situation

这图和之前的一毛一样

Poland begins the game as a Prussian-style, somewhat authoritarian, constitutional monarchy led by August IV of the House of Hohenzollern, youngest son of Kaiser Wilhelm II. He rules with the Interpartisan Circle (Międzypartyjne Koło Polityczne), an alliance of moderate liberals, more Catholic-orientated nationalists, the nobility, and other supporters of a pro-German direction - or at least the status quo. Much of the conservative political establishment supports the monarchy - not because they like Germany, but because their interests align.

波兰在残局是一个普鲁士制、带有威权色彩的君主立宪制国家，由德皇威廉二世之幼子、霍亨索伦的奥古斯特四世带领。他与跨党政治团体（Międzypartyjne Koło Polityczne）一同执政，这是一个由温顺的自在派、偏天主教的民族主义者、贵族及其他亲德支持者——大概说，支持现状者组成的团体。很多守旧的建制派支持君主制——并非他们偏向德国，只是由于他们的好处分歧。

Before Poland's path is set in the 1938 elections, there are two small-scale political branches for the early game. August IV himself does not have much interest in politics, and is easily swayed by his Privy Council and ministers. He can choose to cooperate with the liberals and moderates in the Interpartisan Circle, increasing monarchy's popularity through democratisation and reducing his own power. Alternatively, he can choose to ally himself with those who represent German interests, sacrificing his popularity but cracking down on subversive elements in the country.

1938年肯定波兰线路之前，游戏早期在政治上有两个小分支。奥古斯特四世本人对政治不感爱好，枢密院与大臣可以轻易地左右他的想法。他可以挑选与跨党政治团体的自在派与温顺派合作，经过民主化办法增加君主制的支持率，削减自己的权利。大概，他也可以挑选与德国好处的代表者缔盟，牺牲自己的支持率，冲击国内的倾覆份子。

Despite being a member of the Reichspakt, Austrian interests also take a significant role in the Kingdom’s politics and economy, chiefly because of close economic cooperation with Galician Poland. So long as Poland remains aligned to either Germany or Austria, these interests will be an ever-present factor in the Polish economy. The amount of German or Austrian influence will influence various factors, such as the amount of control they have over Poland’s economy, affecting the starting national spirit. Both Great Powers can leverage their economic influence in different ways, possibly eventually securing Poland in their sphere, but they can also simply seek to maximize profits from Poland with the cost of destabilizing them further.
奥天时虽是帝国公约的成员，但其好处在波兰王国的政治经济中仍占有重要职位，这首要由于波兰与加利西亚波兰的慎密经济合作。只要波兰仍与德国或奥天时连结分歧，这些好处就会永久存在于波兰经济中。德国与奥天时的影响力巨细将影响各类身分，比如对波兰经济的控制水平，影响到残局的国家精神。两大国可以经过度歧手段操纵他们的经济影响力，确保终极波兰处于他们的范围内，但也可以经过进一步破坏波兰的稳定为价格，从波兰身上获得最大的利润。

Black Monday

黑色星期一

With the collapse of Berlin’s economy, Poland feels the ramifications immediately. August IV will call an emergency session of the Sejm, pressuring it to resolve the crisis quickly. A focus tree branch will open up allowing the player to take focuses to alleviate the situation. Some of these focuses will have specific requirements, such as Germany or Austria having completed a certain national focus, or Poland controlling a numbered threshold of its economy.

柏林的经济解体后，波兰立即就能感遭到余波。奥古斯特四世召开瑟姆告急会议，意图尽快处理危机。这将解锁一条国策树，答应玩家点国策减缓大势。部分国策会有特定要求，例如德国或奥天时已完成某个国策，或是波兰已控制其经济到达某个数值。

合作社活动
完成时候：35日

该国策没法与舖设村落门路共存
需要放弃金本位
波兰最少控制30%的经济。
即使不再能满足条件条件，该国策仍会继续。

结果：
黑色星期一追加结果：
稳定度:+8.00%
建造速度:+4.00%
解锁决议：补助合作社
答应我们削弱共和派的影响力。

The Election of ‘38

38年的大选

You may have noticed certain modifiers such as the popularity of the Monarchy and Republican influence. These tie into the Stability of the Kingdommechanic, and you will be playing from the perspective of the coalition between the Monarchists and Nationalists. Their opponents are the Republicans and the Socialists, who at different times may work with or against each other. As the game progresses, you will come across numerous events that may strengthen one of these factions, some of which can reoccur. Other events, such as the election of the PPS’s chairman, will only happen once, and may be able to influence events later on depending on what options you go with.

你能够留意到了某些批改，比如君主制支持率与共和派影响力。这与王国稳定机制有关，你可以从两个视角起头游戏：君主派同盟或民族主义者同盟。他们的对手会是共和派与社会主义者，两派在分歧期间能够会挑选合作或相互敌视。游戏进程中，你会碰到多个增强某一派系的事务，部分事务能够反复触发，其他事务，诸如波兰社会党主席选举，只会触发一次，但能够会影响后续事务，这取决于你的挑选。

王国的稳定
稳定的表象下埋藏着祸根，波兰政局阴云密布。很多团体对国王奥古斯塔四世及其政府的统治并不满足，与此同时，四大政治团体相互争取着波兰的统治权，他们对于这个国家的未来各有看法。

共和派，作为最温顺的反君主派，渴望着建立一个摆脱德国人控制的民主共和国。议会制度和自在主义政策可以有用的抚慰他们，而威权主义政策将会把他们向激进化的路上再推一把。政治上，他们与基民党与群众党（PSL）和波兰社会党（PPS）组成了“中右派同盟”。

社会主义者，作为最激进的反动派，追求更进一步的反动，完全拔除全部资产阶级制度。经过支持的工人的法令以及削减国外经济控制的政策可以抚慰他们，而与之相反的政策会激愤他们。政治上，他们与波兰社会党（PPS）和其他极左构造缔盟。

民族主义者，作为众多团结在罗曼·德莫夫斯基精神旗帜下的民族主义构造的代表，他们并不真的支持君主制，只要我们履行基督教-民族主义政策而且打压右翼活动，我们就能与之合作。而他们不但会由于右翼政策而愤慨，还会由于过度的褫夺了他们权利的威权主义政策而暴怒。政治上，他们与全国同一基督教同盟（ChJZN）和国家民主活动（Endecja）合作。

君主制支持率：40%
社会主义者支持率：20%
共和派支持率：25%
民族主义支持率：15%
民族主义者正在支持国王和他的政府。
估计选举成果：微小上风

日益增加的反君主制情感
各个反君主制构造，特别是呼吁同德国硬切割并与奥天时的加利西亚结合的波兰国家同盟，成员数目又一次大大增加。由于波兰现状并不悲观，再加上黑暗必定有奥天时的支持，这些构造起头公然批评国王，同时他们的媒体也在挑选性删去最激进的谈吐。这些所谓的共和派让很多人对反动的需要性深信不疑。这是一场会毁掉文化次序，而且把全部民族卖给奥天时人的反动。我们必须尽最大尽力让他们的眼光转向别处。
一个波兰给了维也纳还不够？
根本稳定度：-2%
共和派将会获得强化

第24次波兰社会党大会
波兰社会党（PPS）明天在被冠以要塞之城的拉多姆召开大会选举新的党主席。很多人以为选址在拉多姆具有非常严重的意味意义，邻近一月叛逆的七十五周年数念，这一行为是提醒众人这座已经在匹敌沙皇入侵战役好久的城市。拉多姆充溢着中世纪气概的街道上，差人的数目却在不竭增加，这是由于随着党大会的召开，社会党党员都从全国向这座城市聚集。
前任主席，梅齐斯瓦夫·涅乔尔科夫斯基，作为建立中右派同盟的幕后鞭策者之一，终究可以满足自己的愿望，从主席的位置上退休。在他的带领之下，波兰社会党朝着现代化和鼎新主义的偏向进步，而且果断地以为结合否决阵线是对国家施加影响力的最好方式。今朝，有两小我被以为可以成为梅齐斯瓦夫·涅乔尔科夫斯基的继任者。其中一位是有一个温顺中右翼政治家，诺尔贝尔茨·巴尔利茨基，别的一位则是涅乔尔科夫斯基的私人朋友，巴尔利茨基的门生，更激进的斯坦尼斯瓦夫·杜博伊斯。
而党内的右翼则希望加深与基民党与群众党的联系，是以支持曾是基民党与群众党（PSL）员的巴尔利茨基。但是，越来越多右派人士以为党已经变节了反动，波兰社会党（PPS）必须重新回到反动的门路上，这些人支持杜博伊斯，一位年轻的演说家，不知倦怠地支持把罢工作为无产阶级的兵器。
无需多言，行将到来的选举将会决议未来几年波兰社会党（PPS）的成长偏向
保持当火线路
右派掌权
增加激进社会主义支持度：5.00%
这一行动将会削弱共和派。
激进派的斯坦尼斯瓦夫·杜博伊斯将会掌控波兰社会党（PPS）

In the middle of 1936, a conspiracy will be unveiled in the Kingdom. You will gain decisions that allow you to investigate groups in Poland, available until the election occurs. With every investigation you will have to make certain choices on how to deal with these groups - when you compose the final report you will gain a national spirit depending on your choices, and this will of course affect how powerful the socialists and nationalists are.
1936年中期，王国内将揭穿一场诡计。你将获得决议，观察波兰内的团体，直至举行选举。每一次观察，你必须作出挑选，若何处置这些群体——当你撰写终极报告时，按照你的挑选将获得一个国家精神，这将影响社会主义者与民族主义者的气力。

克拉科夫诡计
自波兰王国建立以来，地下构造一向困扰着王国政府，这些构造有很多早在俄国统治期间就建立了。虽然国家差人夜以继日地搜捕反君主激进派，但至今我们对于这些构造的范围还不甚领会。但从奥天时奥秘差人突袭一家小银行起头，这一系列诡计表露于我们眼下。克拉科夫同一银行被控告为罪犯洗钱，但后来挖掘出来的文件指出他们的罪行还不止于此。该银行不外是用作帮助波兰王国反君主主义活动的赤手套，在警方想法获得的他们的全数买卖记录中，包括了大量的买卖数目和买卖人姓名。
按照他们供述，稀有十万马克买卖被银行伪装成了贸易买卖，这些钱不止来历于加利西亚的其他银行，俄罗斯和瑞士的银行机构也占了很多份额。
加倍使人震动的则是这起案子的范围，几近全部波兰官场都被牵扯其中。大量“捐钱”被供给授与波兰社会党（PPS）和基民党与群众党（PSL）缔盟的构造和工会，主如果工会同盟（ZZZ）。而俄罗斯的帮助，则流进了全国同一基督教同盟（ChZJN）的很多参议员和瑟姆议员手中，甚至就连跨党政治团体（MKP）也介入其中。这些资金的数目过分于庞大，底子没法清查，但很清楚的是，有无数的人和构造接管了这笔用于帮助否决君主制和选举的资金，包括我们同盟的同伴。
这一题目非常辣手又非常告急，费利西安·斯瓦沃伊·斯克瓦德科夫斯基被录用负责国家出格平安委员会（KON）来彻查这一题目。作为一位狂热否决社会主义的甲士，我们相信他很快就能查清楚波兰地下腐败的奥秘构造。
必须彻查到底！
增加根本稳定值：-6.00%
触发事务“德国情报机构供给支持”
解锁K.O.N机关决议
在观察竣事后，我们将会按照我们的挑选获得对应的国家精神

国家平安委员会（决议）
在证实所谓的“克拉科夫诡计”后，境外势力和激进政治活动与我国、甚至是温顺派的政客逐步扩大的暗线范围不能不使人担忧，，是以大范围的观察行动展开了。众议院经过的一项出格法令已授权建立国家平安委员会（Komitet Ocalenia Narodowego），由污名昭著的费利西安·斯瓦沃伊·斯克瓦德科夫斯基部长带领。直到下一次选举起头前，该构造获准自在行动。

观察工会
观察同盟
观察军官团
观察教会构造
观察波兰社会党
观察群众党
观察国家团结基督教同盟（Christian Union of National Unity）
完成终极报告

观察竣事
波兰历史上范围最大的刑侦终极在现实科罪方面没有什么停顿。克拉科夫档案揭露的一些最卑劣的败北案获得敏捷处置，但更深度的观察无疾而终。由于缺少确实证据，是以唯一少许的人被逮。希望我们对这些丑闻的网开一面能让那些否决派消停下来，也希望我国社会的两极化水平可以减缓。

这样做会更好。
（结果：增加国家精神“活跃的地下构造”：稳定度：-6.00%；逐日工团主义支持度：+0.01，逐日国家民粹主义支持度：+0.01）

选举的前几年，治理这四个相互合作的派系将花费你大量时候，而每个派系都有能影响到波兰大势的本国背景。奥古斯特四世的政权明显由德国支持，奥天时首要出于适用主义态度而支持共和派。奥天时并未忘记德国在大战时代是若何破坏他们对波兰的计划，而经过波兰的否决派将奥古斯特四世撤除，似乎是将波兰归入自己势力范围的最优选。奥天时实现这一目标的工具，就是“中右派同盟”，由波兰社会党温顺派与群众党组成的政治同盟，在波兰高举共和主义之火，但假如他们获选，也不会间接要求国王退位。
The nationalists, in the form of the National Democrats, are discreetly sponsored by the Russians, another alliance borne from pragmatism back in the imperial days. Socialists are directed and supported by the revolutionary committee in exile in Paris.
民族主义者脱胎自国家民主活动，获得了俄国人谨慎的支持，这是昔时帝国期间因适用主义诞生的另一个同盟。社会主义者则由亡命巴黎的反动委员会指导并支持。
After a heated 2 years, the elections will finally take place…
经过两年剧烈的匹敌，选举终究要举行了……
His Majesty’s Cabinet (Liberal)
国王内阁（自在主义）

If the Monarchist-Nationalist coalition wins the election, and Monarchist support is higher than Nationalist support, then the Interpartisan Circle will continue ruling Poland. Their aim is to strip August IV of power and transform Poland into genuine constitutional monachy, though in foreign policy they support continuing cooperation with Germany, but with as much freedom as they can have. They take up the Market Liberal ideology slot.

假如君主派-民族主义者同盟获选，且君主派支持率大于民族主义者支持率，跨党政治团体将继续统治波兰。他们的方针是褫夺奥古斯特四世的权利，让波兰成为实在的君主立宪制国家，交际政策上他们支持与德国继续合作，但要求更多自立权。认识形状上属于贸易自在主义。

His Majesty’s Cabinet (Authoritarian)
国王内阁（威权主义）

Regardless of who had the most support for the elections, the King will be able to appoint Władysław Studnicki from the Statehood Party as the President of Ministers. Studnicki and the Statehood Party are conservative and pro-German, who seek to entrench Berlin’s influence in Poland. They take up the Authoritarian Democrat ideology slot.

不管谁在选举中获很大都，国王都能录用国家党的瓦迪斯瓦夫·斯图德尼茨基为部长会议主席。斯图德尼茨基和国家党属于守旧派与亲德派，会试图稳固柏林在波兰的影响力。认识形状上属于威权民主主义。
His Majesty’s Cabinet (Constitutionalist and Authoritarian) Focus Tree
国王内阁（立宪派与威权派）国策树

Christian Conservatism

基督教守旧主义

If the Monarchist-Nationalist coalition wins the election, and Nationalist support is higher than Monarchist support, then the ChJZN (Christian Union of National Unity) will take power. Although remaining pragmatic towards the monarchy, they seek to distance themselves from German influence and desire to put forth nationalist policies, as well as cement the Catholic Church’s status in Poland. They take up the Social Conservative ideology slot.

假如君主派-民族主义者同盟获选，且民族主义者支持率大于君主派支持率，全国同一基督教同盟（ChJZN）将掌权。他们对君主制的看法还是适用主义的，但会试图与德国的影响连结间隔，并希望提出民族主义政策，稳固天主教会在波兰的职位。认识形状上属于社会守旧主义。

全国同一基督教同友邦策树
ChJZN Focus Tree

Ascension of the Centrolew
中右派突起

If the Centrolew coalition wins the election, then a new government will be formed, led by either the People’s Party (Social Liberal) or the Polish Socialist Party (Social Democrat). Regardless, when the Centrolew attempts to push forward legislation that weakens the Privy Council or the Senate, it will be immediately vetoed by the King. In protest, the Prime Minister will resign, and the King will appoint Władysław Studnicki as Prime Minister. The Centrolew will organise mass protests scheduled to take place in two months, in what is dubbed the “Clover Revolution” after the Clover symbols used by the People's Party. If they succeed, a free, democratic republic will be declared, initially under social democratic Norbert Barlicki.
假如中右派同盟获选，他们将组建新一届政府，由群众党（社会自在主义）或波兰社会党（社会民主主义）带领。不管若何，中右派同盟试图鞭策立法削弱枢密院或参议院时，会立即遭到国王否决。作为抗议，辅弼将告退，国王将录用瓦迪斯瓦夫·斯图德尼茨基为辅弼。中右派将在两个月内构造大范围抗议，这场活动将以群众党的四叶草命名，称作“四叶草反动”。假如成功，他们将公布建立自在且民主的共和国，最初由社民党人诺贝特·巴尔利茨基带领。

四叶草反动
听说，每一代波兰人都有着他们自己的反动，假如说对于这代波兰人，这会是1938年的反动，以基民党与群众党（PSL）四叶草标志命名的反动，四叶草的标志飞扬在几近每个波兰村落和城市。几近全部国家都堕入了障碍。总罢工瘫痪了城市，全国的农民都在游行。有一些人以动乱为捏词起头抢劫和摧毁犹太人的财富，但大部分抗议都是战争停止的，这就让我们加倍难以处置，假如我们弹压，公众的感情将会严重受挫。
内阁和军方起草很多计划，但绝大部分一点用都没有。枢密院敦促国王分开已经被抗议者包围数日的宫殿。有一些政府成员呼吁动用军队，但国王一向犹豫因而否要采纳如此暴力的手段。由于国王的不作为，冯·克里斯将军已经启动了他的计划，号令古德里安的装甲团在多布尔尚斯基师的支援下保持都城的稳定。他们的军队应当是忠于国王的…但仅仅这几支军队在华沙狭窄的街道上太轻易被击溃了。伯贝基将军，作为我们最信赖的波兰将军之一，发起让国王公布国家进入告急状态，并变更尽能够多的军队来保持稳定。
古德里安的军队将会庇护都城
这还不够 -带动更多的军队保持次序

共和国宣言
宣言的内容非常清楚：从现在起头，波兰将会成为共和国，而且由波兰群众带领，而不是本国独裁者。在最初，这是他们最重要的诉求。国王的顾问也是以绝不意外地勃然盛怒。有人倡议国王奥古斯都向他的爸爸乞助，并尽能够地迟延并告竣妥协。但就在这样一个关键的时辰，国王拒绝了一切的倡议，“我不愿统治希望我分开的群众”，他恳切地说到。也许是对于命运的完全屈就，又大概是杰出道德的约束，国王奥古斯都四世放弃了王冠。
当举国寂静，倾听者国王历史性的广播讲话时，无数的报酬之兴高采烈。他们赢了！不需要无数的牺牲和血！随着国王签下退位诏书，最初一声“国王万岁”传遍了全部华沙。而很快，国王的内阁也一路告退。四叶草反动已经成功，但中右翼同盟可以对峙他们的理想吗？
自在万岁！

Of course, this will not go unnoticed by Germany. When Germany demands Poland to reinstate the monarchy, the player may ask Vienna to intervene on their behalf, thus joining the Donau-Adriabund, securing Poland in the Austrian sphere, and reuniting two halves of Poland. In the Ukraine rework partition of Galicia will be made more complex, as the rework can have democratic Ukraine with pro-Austrian tendencies.

固然，德国不会轻忽他们。德国将要求波兰规复君主制，玩家此时可以要求维也纳代表他们停止干涉，从而加入多瑙-亚得里亚同盟，确保波兰留在奥天时的势力范围，将波兰的国土重新同一。乌克兰重制后，加利西亚的国土分别会变得加倍复杂，由于能够存在亲奥天时的民主乌克兰。

The Centrolew government will then work towards implementing their ambitious reforms, such as secularization of the state, land reform, nationalisation of certain sectors, autonomies for national minorities and women’s suffrage. These radical policies will draw much ire from the Polish right, and if not decisive, the republic might not last very long…

中右派政府将努力于实施大志勃勃的鼎新，例如国门第俗化、地盘鼎新、部分范畴国有化、少数民族自治与妇女选举权。这些激进的鼎新将完全激发波兰右翼的怒火，假如不能果断下去，这个共和国存在的时候不会太久。

Ascension of the Centrolew Focus Tree
中右派同友邦策树

The Path of Resistance

抵抗之路

Even after the election, things won’t be smooth sailing for the ruling party in Poland. In most cases, there will be resistance supported by Reichspakt's enemies, as nationalists and socialists will agitate against the government. If their efforts succeed, Poland will, in one way or another, revolt and be at war with its former German overlords. If Poland wishes to avoid uprising, these issues can be contained either through increasing stability or building genuinely popular constitutional monarchy. Germany, Austria, Russia and France can all influence the situation in Poland. Both monarchy and democratic republic can succumb to uprising, if handled poorly.

选举事后，波兰的执政党也并非风平浪静。大大都情况下，帝国公约的仇敌会支持抵抗势力，民族主义者与社会主义者会煽惑否决政府。假如他们成功了，波兰将以某种方式叛逆，并与前宗主国，德国开战。假如波兰希望避免叛逆，这些题目可以经过进步稳定度或建立真正受接待的立宪君主制。德国、奥天时、俄国、法国，都能影响波兰大势。假如处置不妥，君主制国家与民主共和国都能够遭到叛逆。

Anti-German Agitation
反德浪潮

The past elections saw a surge in radicalization, as many in the countryside felt betrayed again. The revelations of the Krakow documents gave us some insight into just how deep the Endecja has connections to our nation's elite, and many fear that further discontent might turn into an open move against August lV.

正由于村落的很多波兰人感受被国家变节了，王国的曩昔几次选举都表示出激进化的偏向。克拉科夫文件则向我们揭穿我国的精英阶级与民族民主政治团体的毗连慎密，政府中的很多人都担忧这类不满会演酿成公然匹敌国王奥古斯都四世的活动。

Prerequisites:
前置条件：
One of the following must be true:
以下任逐一个条件必须为真
All of the following must be true:
以下一切条件必须为真：
Monarchists are more popular than Nationalists
保皇派比民族主义者加倍受接待
One of the following must be true:
以下任逐一个条件必须为真
More than 70% Stability
高于70%稳定度
Has completed focus The Christian Coalition
已经完成国策 基督教同盟
Effects if not selected within 60 days:
假如60天内未完成结果：
While at war with Russia, the unrest will turn into an uprising when both 1) nationalist influence is at least 25% and 2) the Russians have advanced to our borders OR nationalist influence is over 50%
当初在与俄罗斯的战争中时，在以下条件下，叛乱将会改变成叛逆，1）民族主义者影响力最少25%和2）俄罗斯已经进军到我们的边境或民族主义者影响力已经大于50%
One of 2 options will happen.
以下两种之一结果将会发生
50% chance of This will strengthen the Nationalists.
50%机遇将会增强民族主义者
50%chance of Gain Base Stability: -2.00%.
50%机遇增加根本稳定度：-2.00%

Revolutionary Mood Spreading
反动情感正在传布
Ever since the election, socialist agitation has never really ended. Underground publications are found constantly, and claims of government corruption and inability to improve people's livelihoods is giving strength to their propaganda. As long as there is a malcontent base for agitation, there is risk of widespread strikes - or Heaven forbid – a revolution.
自从选举以来，社会主义的宣传从未真正停止过。地下出书物不竭被发现，政府败北和有力改良群众生活为他们的宣传供给了气力。只要有一个不满的民意根本，就有大范围罢工的风险——希望不会发生反动。
Prerequisites:
前置条件：
One of the following must be true:
以下任逐一个条件必须为真
All of the following must be true:
以下一切条件必须为真：
Monarchists are more popular than Socialists
保皇派比社会主义者加倍受接待
One of the following must be true:
以下任逐一个条件必须为真
More than 70% Stability
高于70%稳定度
Has completed focus the Constitutionalist Coalition
已经完成国策 宪政同盟
Effects if not selected within 70 days:
假如60天内未完成结果：
While at war with the lnternationale , the unrest will turn into a revolution when both 1) syndicalist influence is at least 25% and 2) the syndicalist cross the Rhine OR syndicalist influence is over 50%
当与第三国际进入战争状态时，在以下条件下，叛乱将会改变成反动，1）社会主义者影响力最少25%和2）第三国际已经超出莱茵河或社会主义者影响力已经大于50%
One of 2 options will happen.
以下两种之一结果将会发生
50% chance of This will strengthen the Socialists.
50%机遇将会增强社会主义者
50%chance of Gain Base Stability: -2.00%.
50%机遇增加根本稳定度：-2.00%

The Nationalists
民族主义者

Assuming the conditions are met, Poland’s nationalist revolt will begin under the leadership of Adam Doboszyński and the National Party. Doboszyński captured the leadeship of the movement after death of Roman Dmowski in 1939, but he is not a military leader nor is he particularly beloved by Endecja and the ChJZN, as many of his views are radical even for National Democrats. To reflect this, he will have to show he is capable of leading the revolt. If he is victorious in his struggle against the other nationalist factions, he will consolidate power, allowing him to pursue his vision of a Poland based on his radically Catholic, anti-capitalist and distributist ideas. Doboszyński occupies the National Populist ideology slot. His great vision is that of Union of Slavic States, which would include Lithuania, West Slavic nations, Belarus and Ukraine... but actually achieving this won't be easy.
如果条件满足，波兰的民族主义者将在亚当·多博申斯基与百姓党的带领下叛逆。1939年，罗曼·德莫夫斯基归天后，多博申斯基成为该同盟的魁首，但他并非军事带领人，国家民主活动和基督教同盟对他也没有太好的观感，他的很多概念放在国家民主活动里都称得上激进。为了显现这一点，他必须证实自己可以带领叛逆。假如他斗赢其他民族主义者派系，就能稳固权利，实现他的激进天主教、反本钱主义与分产主义理想的波兰。认识形状上属于国家民粹主义。他的巨大方针是建立斯拉夫国家同盟，包括立陶宛、西斯拉夫国家、白罗斯与乌克兰……想要实现可不轻易。

为祖国而战
此日覆盖在波兰上空的空气很希奇，战争的阴影覆盖在一切人身上，虽然有谈吐管束，可关于俄军进步的谎言还是越来越多。虽然国王和他的内阁许诺无需担忧，但大师都晓得波兰军队正奥秘地集结起来，似乎是在为匹敌俄国人做最初的预备。虽然有冯·克里斯的定见，波兰军方和大臣们压服奥古斯特在波兰东部鸿沟，而不是在更东边的地方